Six months after his controversial early release from a life sentence, former Bangladesh military intelligence (DGFI) chief Major General (retd) Rezzakul Haider Chowdhury made a discreet 12-day visit to Guangzhou, China— a move that has raised red flags in Indian intelligence circles, particularly due to its timing and geopolitical undertones.
Chowdhury, a convicted mastermind in the infamous 2004 Chittagong arms smuggling case involving ten truckloads of military-grade weapons, returned to Dhaka on June 18. On the same day, Bangladesh's interim National Security Advisor (NSA), Dr Khalilur Rahman, quietly departed for China— prompting Indian security analysts to flag a potentially deeper and coordinated engagement between Dhaka and Beijing.
Sources in India’s intelligence establishment, closely monitoring developments in the region, view the sequence of events with suspicion— especially following reports that. Rahman has allegedly sought Chinese assistance to facilitate a covert meeting with Pakistan’s ISI chief Asim Malik during his upcoming visit to Beijing.
The development is particularly alarming in light of recent terror activity. Just two months ago, Indian intelligence agencies pinned responsibility for the April 22 Pahalgam massacre in Jammu & Kashmir on Pakistan's ISI and its proxy group, The Resistance Front (TRF). Any backchannel communication between Bangladesh's top security officials and ISI raises serious security and strategic concerns for India, officials said.
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According to credible sources within the Bangladesh Army's intelligence wing, Rahman's request for the China-brokered meeting with ISI leadership was made during a confidential meeting with the Chinese ambassador in Dhaka before his recent London trip.
Meanwhile, Indian intelligence agencies are also investigating the purpose behind Chowdhury’s June 6–18 Guangzhou trip, confirmed via Bangla-US Airline flight records. His re-emergence on the diplomatic scene is seen as potentially troubling given his deep ties to anti-India networks.
Chowdhury, along with six others including former BNP Minister of State for Home Affairs Lutfuzzaman Babar, was controversially acquitted by the Bangladesh High Court in December 2024. Notably, Paresh Barua— the ULFA military chief and a key player in the 2004 arms case — remains at large, reportedly residing in China’s Yunnan province.
The 2004 Chittagong arms haul remains one of South Asia’s most alarming terror-linked operations. The massive cache
— including 27,000 grenades, 150 rocket launchers, over a million rounds of ammunition and more than 1,000 submachine guns.
— was smuggled in via ships linked to Jamaat-e-Islami leader Salahuddin Qader Chowdhury. Investigations revealed that the weapons, traced back to Chinese defense conglomerate NORINCO, were intended for insurgents in India’s Northeast.
At the time, the BNP-led government in Bangladesh (2001–2006) suppressed the investigation. It wasn't until a caretaker administration took charge in 2008 that the full extent of the operation— and the role of senior intelligence officers like Chowdhury — came to light.
The consignment’s route involved Chinese-sourced weapons arriving by sea to St. Martin’s Island before being offloaded onto trawlers and finally docked at the Chittagong Urea Fertilizer Limited (CUFL) jetty, a facility used for strategic shipments. It was from there that the arms were loaded onto 10 trucks in a planned operation foiled by chance intervention.
India sees these renewed movements — involving key players in the 2004 smuggling plot, possible covert links to Pakistan’s ISI, and Chinese facilitation — as signs of a dangerous trilateral convergence. The Ministry of External Affairs and Indian security agencies are reportedly keeping a close watch and may raise the issue through diplomatic channels if more concrete links are established.
Salahuddin Qader Chowdhury and his associate, Al-Badr leader Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed, were hanged in 2015 for war crimes committed during the 1971 Liberation War, but the networks they were part of appear far from dismantled. Indian officials warn that under the current geopolitical churn, these ties may be quietly reactivating.
As the regional security calculus evolves, New Delhi is likely to recalibrate its approach to Bangladesh’s internal alignments—especially in light of shifting power dynamics involving Beijing and Islamabad.
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